\u00a0<\/p>\n
K\u00dcRT GER\u00c7E\u011e\u0130 VE M\u0130LLET B\u0130L\u0130NC\u0130<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ad\u0131yaman E. \u0130l\u00e7e Ba\u015fkan\u0131m\u0131z de\u011ferli Adnan Uyar karde\u015fim aktarm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bizim de \u00f6zel yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve g\u00f6n\u00fcl ba\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bulunan, D\u00fcnya Ehl-i Beyt Vakf\u0131 Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Fermani Altun Bey, “Alevi sorununu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmek, kal\u0131c\u0131 ve kucaklay\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler \u00fcretmek”<\/em> niyetiyle, yazl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki Erbakan Hocam\u0131z\u0131 ziyarete varm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Hal hat\u0131r sorduktan sonra, “Hocam, bu Alevi sorununa, art\u0131k insafl\u0131 ve ak\u0131lc\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulmam\u0131z konusunu konu\u015fmaya geldim…”<\/em> deyince, Erbakan Hocam\u0131z; yar\u0131ya kadar su doldurulmu\u015f bir vazo isteyip, Fermani Altun Bey’e; “Bah\u00e7edeki \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7i\u00e7eklerden bir demet haz\u0131rlay\u0131p bu vazoya yerle\u015ftir ve evin balkonunda bu konuyu \u00f6zel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmek \u00fczere l\u00fctfen oraya getir!”<\/em> ricas\u0131nda bulunmu\u015flard\u0131. Elinde \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7i\u00e7ek demeti konulan vazoyla balkona gelen Fermani Bey’e Erbakan Hocam\u0131z; “Bu, her biri ayr\u0131 \u00f6zellik ve g\u00fczellikte yarat\u0131lan \u00e7i\u00e7eklerin hangisi sorun ve s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131d\u0131r?” <\/em>diye sorunca, Fermani Bey: “Bunlar\u0131n her biri renkleriyle, rayihalar\u0131 ile m\u00fckemmel bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc sunuyorlar, sorun de\u011fil uyum i\u00e7inde bulunuyorlar…” <\/em>\u015feklinde yan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bunun \u00fczerine Erbakan Hocam\u0131z: <\/span><\/strong>“Evet de\u011ferli karde\u015fim, Aziz Milletimizi olu\u015fturan ve cennet \u00fclkemizde bulunan Aleviler-S\u00fcnniler, T\u00fcrkler-K\u00fcrtler, G\u00f6\u00e7menler-Yerliler hepsi i\u015fte bu vazodaki farkl\u0131 \u00e7i\u00e7ekler gibidir. Dokular\u0131yla, kokular\u0131yla her biri ayr\u0131 \u00f6zellik ve g\u00fczelliktedir. As\u0131l sorun, Alevileri ve K\u00fcrtleri sorun g\u00f6ren hastal\u0131kl\u0131 zihniyettir. Bizleri karde\u015f yapan, Milli birlik ve dirli\u011fimizin mayas\u0131 olan \u0130slam bilincini k\u00f6rletmeye ve b\u00f6ylesi suni ve sinsi sorunlar \u00fcretmeye kalk\u0131\u015fanlara asla f\u0131rsat vermemeliyiz, bizler de bu kas\u0131tl\u0131 ve ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 sahte kavramlar\u0131 kullan\u0131p hain g\u00fc\u00e7lerin oyununa gelmemeliyiz!” <\/span><\/em><\/strong>buyurmu\u015flard\u0131.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n S\u00f6z\u00fcn \u00f6z\u00fc: T\u00fcrkler-K\u00fcrtler, Aleviler-S\u00fcnniler, G\u00f6\u00e7menler-Yerliler, sa\u011fc\u0131 ge\u00e7inenler-solcu bilinenler, dindar kesimler-\u00e7a\u011fda\u015f kimseler… Evet hepsi ayn\u0131 Milletin ayr\u0131lmaz par\u00e7alar\u0131, ayn\u0131 devletin e\u015fit vatanda\u015flar\u0131, ayn\u0131 \u00fclkenin onurlu evlatlar\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtleri ve Alevileri AZINLIK stat\u00fcs\u00fcne sokmak ve ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011fa zorlamak tek kelime ile \u015feytanl\u0131k ve \u015farlatanl\u0131kt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar az\u0131nl\u0131k de\u011fil, bu Aziz Milletin asl\u00ee unsurlar\u0131d\u0131r!<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n AKP istismarc\u0131, suiistimalci ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i bir iktidard\u0131r!<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Cumhuriyeti ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi hedef alan a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, tepkilerin oda\u011f\u0131 haline gelen AKP’li Mahir \u00dcnal, Grup Ba\u015fkan Vekilli\u011finden istifa etmi\u015fti. \u00dcnal’\u0131n yerineyse AKP Tokat Milletvekili \u00d6zlem Zengin getirilmi\u015fti. \u00d6zlem Zengin’in ter\u00f6rist ba\u015f\u0131 \u00d6calan’\u0131 \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00f6zleri yeniden g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015fti. Hat\u0131rlayacaks\u0131n\u0131z; “Cumhuriyet, bizim l\u00fcgatimizi, alfabemizi, dilimizi, has\u0131l\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme setlerimizi yok etmi\u015ftir”<\/em><\/span><\/strong> <\/span><\/em>s\u00f6zleriyle Cumhuriyeti ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi hedef alan Mahir \u00dcnal, tepkilerin ard\u0131ndan AKP Grup Ba\u015fkan Vekilli\u011fi g\u00f6revinden aff\u0131n\u0131 istemi\u015fti.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00dcnal’dan bo\u015falan Grup Ba\u015fkan Vekilli\u011fi g\u00f6revine ise AKP Tokat Milletvekili \u00d6zlem Zengin’in atanmas\u0131, ak\u0131llara skandal s\u00f6zlerini getirmi\u015fti. \u00d6zlem Zengin, 2015 y\u0131l\u0131nda A Haber’de Sevilay Y\u0131lman’\u0131n sundu\u011fu programda HDP’li Selahattin Demirta\u015f’\u0131, ter\u00f6rist ba\u015f\u0131 \u00d6calan’\u0131 \u00f6rnek almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirmi\u015fti. \u00d6zlem Zengin’in videoda, “Selahattin Demirta\u015f’\u0131n kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 dil, \u00d6calan’\u0131n dilinden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131. Kendisinin onu rehber almas\u0131 laz\u0131m”<\/em> ifadeleri tepki \u00e7ekmi\u015fti. \u00dcstelik \u00d6zlem Zengin’in skandal ifadeleri bununla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Bu Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ka\u00e7k\u0131n\u0131 ve f\u0131rsat avc\u0131s\u0131 AKP’liler makam ve \u00e7\u0131kar u\u011fruna hi\u00e7bir kutsal\u0131 istismardan \u00e7ekinmezlerdi.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Baz\u0131lar\u0131na g\u00f6re; “G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde K\u00fcrtlerde 3 tarz\u0131 siyaset”<\/em> vard\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n K\u00fcrtlerin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki siyasi tercihlerini ba\u015fl\u0131ca 3 ana ba\u015fl\u0131k alt\u0131nda toplayabiliriz:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bunlar; 1- Siyasi talepleri olmayan K\u00fcrtler, 2- Ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131-Ulusalc\u0131 K\u00fcrtler, 3- Demokratik Cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerdir. Bu s\u0131n\u0131flamada 3 ana gruba i\u00e7eri\u011fi ayn\u0131 olmak kayd\u0131yla farkl\u0131 isimler de verilebilir.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 1- Siyasi talepleri olmayan K\u00fcrtler:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Siyasi talepleri olmayan K\u00fcrtleri de ikiye ay\u0131rmak gerekir.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 A- \u0130nk\u00e2rc\u0131 Kesimler:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 Tam anlam\u0131yla asimile olmu\u015f, K\u00fcrtl\u00fckten duygu ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olarak da uzakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ailelerinin K\u00fcrt k\u00f6klerini de ink\u00e2r eden <\/em>‘K\u00fcrt as\u0131ll\u0131’ ki\u015filer. Bu gruptaki K\u00fcrtlerin ilk temsilcileri \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerdir. Cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminde, rejimin politikalar\u0131 sonucu\u00a0bu gibi ki\u015filerin say\u0131s\u0131 artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kemalist rejimin e\u011fitim sistemi \u00f6zellikle ilk d\u00f6nemlerde, lise ve \u00fcniversite e\u011fitimi g\u00f6ren K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda etkili olmu\u015ftur.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 B- K\u00fclt\u00fcrel K\u00fcrtler:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 K\u00fcrt oldu\u011funu gizlemeyen, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fan, K\u00fcrt m\u00fczi\u011fi dinleyen, folklorunu bilen, K\u00fcrt gelenek ve g\u00f6reneklerine sayg\u0131l\u0131 olan; ancak K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi ile ilgili siyasi bir talebi olmayanlar. G\u00fcnl\u00fck hayatlar\u0131nda ‘icap etti\u011fi kadar’ K\u00fcrtl\u00fcklerini ya\u015fayan bu ki\u015filer, K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili siyasi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar isteyen ve bu u\u011furda m\u00fccadele veren ki\u015filere kar\u015f\u0131 mesafelidirler. Bu m\u00fccadelenin kendi rahat ve stat\u00fclerini bozaca\u011f\u0131 endi\u015fesi ile ellerinden geldi\u011fince resmi devlet politikalar\u0131na ve g\u00f6revlilerine yak\u0131n durmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6neminde Abd\u00fclhamid yanl\u0131s\u0131 olan bu \u00e7evreler, sonras\u0131nda Demokrat Parti, Adalet Partisi ve Erbakan partileri (Milli Nizam, Milli Selamet, Refah, Fazilet ve Saadet) \u00e7izgisinde olmu\u015flard\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ise b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda AKP’yi desteklemektedirler.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 2- Ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131-Ulusalc\u0131 K\u00fcrtler:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrdistan fikri, 20’nci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren K\u00fcrt ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda vard\u0131r. 1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llardan itibaren birbiri pe\u015fi s\u0131ra kurulan ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu Sosyalist-Marksist ideolojide olan K\u00fcrt siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ana hedefi de 4 par\u00e7aya b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f (\u0130ran, Irak, T\u00fcrkiye ve Suriye) K\u00fcrtlerden olu\u015fan ‘Birle\u015fik, Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan’ kurmakt\u0131r. Hedeflenen, t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada \u00e7ok\u00e7a \u00f6rne\u011fi olan klasik bir <\/em>‘ulus devlet’ kurmakt\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka ifade ile “Herkese ‘helal’ olan, K\u00fcrtlere de ‘helal’dir.”<\/em> zihniyetinin arkas\u0131nda BOP’u uygulamaya koyan Siyonist ve emperyalist odaklar vard\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n PKK da ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 y\u0131llar\u0131nda ‘4 Par\u00e7a Birle\u015fik Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan’<\/em> fikrini savunmu\u015ftur. Sonraki y\u0131llarda ve \u00f6zellikle de Abdullah \u00d6calan’\u0131n yakalanmas\u0131ndan sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te ise bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n ‘<\/em>geri’ bir yakla\u015f\u0131m oldu\u011fu \u00f6z ele\u015ftirisi ile ‘Demokratik Cumhuriyet’ <\/em>ve ‘Ortado\u011fu Konfederasyonu’<\/em> fikrini savunmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak sahip oldu\u011fu ideolojik kodlar gere\u011fi, s\u00fcrekli olarak tek parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dayal\u0131 teritoryal bir egemenlik siyaseti uygulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye’deki uygulamalar\u0131 da, Suriye Rojava’daki (ABD ve \u0130srail destekli) \u00e7abalar\u0131 da, di\u011fer K\u00fcrt \u00f6rg\u00fct ve partilerine olan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 da bu do\u011frultudad\u0131r. ‘Demokratik Cumhuriyet’ <\/em>ve ‘Ortado\u011fu Konfederasyonu’ <\/em>fikri ile ya\u015fan\u0131lan fiili durum ve uygulamalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ciddi bir tezat vard\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde PKK d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki K\u00fcrt siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fct ve partilerinin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131, 1970’lerdeki paradigmalar\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu \u00e7evreler halen de ‘Birle\u015fik Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan’ <\/em>ulus devleti fikrini savunmaktad\u0131rlar.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 olmayan HAK-PAR ve KADEP ise resmi parti programlar\u0131na T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti i\u00e7inde federasyon iste\u011fini <\/em>koymu\u015flard\u0131r. 4 ayr\u0131 devlette ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fclkelerdeki durumlar\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 analiz edilmesi gerekti\u011fi savunulmaktad\u0131r. Bu devletlerde ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtlerin sosyo-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve sosyo-ekonomik durumlar\u0131 ile beklentileri do\u011frultusunda; ‘Birle\u015fik Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan’<\/em> fikrinin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u015fartlar\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilmesi laz\u0131md\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 3- Demokratik Cumhuriyet\u00e7iler:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye K\u00fcrtleri i\u00e7inde, K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc isteyenler aras\u0131nda en geni\u015f kitleyi bu grup olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu gibi K\u00fcrtlerin yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak \u00fc\u00e7te ikisi HDP’ye, \u00fc\u00e7te biri ise AKP’ye oy kullanmaktad\u0131r. Birka\u00e7 se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesi yar\u0131 yar\u0131ya olan bu oran, AKP-MHP ittifak\u0131ndan sonra AKP aleyhine bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye’de Demokratik Cumhuriyet <\/em>fikrini savunan K\u00fcrtlerin siyasi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini k\u0131saca \u00f6zetlemek gerekirse: Bunlar; ‘T\u00fcrkiyeli bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmden’ <\/em>yanad\u0131rlar.\u00a0Ekonomik, sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ailevi, demografik… Sebeplerden dolay\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye’den ayr\u0131lmaya kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131rlar. K\u00fcrtlerin anadilde e\u011fitim hakk\u0131 (ki bu asl\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye’den ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ilk ad\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r ve imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r.) dahil, t\u00fcm demokratik haklar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanaca\u011f\u0131 ve \u00fclkeyi tam bir ‘Demokratik hukuk devleti’ <\/em>olarak yap\u0131land\u0131racak yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmas\u0131 olmazsa olmaz \u015fartlar\u0131d\u0131r. Eski tabirle ‘Ademi merkezi y\u00f6netim’<\/em>, yeni ifadesi ile ‘yerinden y\u00f6netim’<\/em> arzular\u0131 vard\u0131r.\u00a0Etnik federasyonu, \u00fclke \u015fartlar\u0131na uygun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in; co\u011frafi federasyonu ise K\u00fcrtlerin yo\u011fun olarak ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 bir\u00e7ok ilde (Urfa, Mara\u015f, Ad\u0131yaman, Malatya, Sivas, Erzincan, Erzurum, I\u011fd\u0131r, Bitlis, Mu\u015f, Van, Siirt, Mardin, Elaz\u0131\u011f…) y\u00fczde 20 ile y\u00fczde 70 oran\u0131nda T\u00fcrk ve Arap ya\u015famas\u0131 gerek\u00e7esiyle zaten uygun bulunmamaktad\u0131r. Bunun i\u00e7indir ki yerel y\u00f6netimlerde ‘Eyalet Sistemi’ <\/em>\u00fclke \u015fartlar\u0131na daha uygun ve t\u00fcm \u00fclkede uygulanabilecek olmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de daha ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak sunulmaktad\u0131r. (Sn. Altan Tan’\u0131n hem Milli birlik ve dirli\u011fi koruyacak, hem y\u00f6re halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00fclke y\u00f6netimine daha etkin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak Adil D\u00fczen projelerini hi\u00e7 g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131mamas\u0131 art niyetinin ve karanl\u0131k t\u0131ynetinin bir icab\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131?)<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n “K\u00fcrt\u00e7enin, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eden sonra ikinci resmi dil olmas\u0131 ve kamusal alanda da kullan\u0131lmas\u0131”<\/span><\/em><\/strong> talepleri hem imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r hem de yarars\u0131zd\u0131r. Diyelim ki, Diyarbak\u0131r’da \u0130lk, Orta ve Lise’yi K\u00fcrt\u00e7e okuyan bir talebe, \u00dcniversite’yi Ayd\u0131n’da okumak durumunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda elbette zorlanacak ve haliyle ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olacakt\u0131r. Yok e\u011fer her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00dcniversite Diyarbak\u0131r’da olsun ve hepsinde de K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fulsun<\/em> deniyorsa, bu T\u00fcrkiye’nin fikren ve fiilen par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7acakt\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki hukuk ve yarg\u0131 dili olarak K\u00fcrt\u00e7e hem yeterli de\u011fildir, hem sadece T\u00fcrkiye’de Zazaca d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda be\u015f ayr\u0131 ve birbirinden farkl\u0131 K\u00fcrt\u00e7enin hangisinin esas al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 yan\u0131ts\u0131zd\u0131r. <\/span>Yeri gelmi\u015fken Biz Milli \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak \u00f6zetle vurgulayal\u0131m ki;<\/span><\/span> Adil D\u00fczen d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki teklif ve temenniler y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ve ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt siyasetinde gelinen noktada bu talepler i\u00e7in silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131rlar. Mutlaka legal ve demokratik bir m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesinden yanad\u0131rlar. Bunun i\u00e7indir ki PKK, mutlaka silah b\u0131rakmal\u0131 ve yeniden yap\u0131lanmal\u0131d\u0131r, kendine yeni bir ‘format’ atmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Emperyalist devletlerin yan\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye’ye kar\u015f\u0131 bir pozisyon ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma; <\/span><\/strong>T\u00fcrklerin de, K\u00fcrtlerin de, Ortado\u011fu’nun da felaketi olacakt\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7inde de T\u00fcrkiye d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda da Ortado\u011fu’da da T\u00fcrkiye’ye kar\u015f\u0131 ve sava\u015farak de\u011fil; \u0130slam karde\u015fli\u011fi, tarih ve Millet bilinci ile anla\u015farak haklar\u0131na kavu\u015fmal\u0131; birlikte bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturmal\u0131d\u0131rlar. T\u00fcrkiye, Irak, Suriye ve \u0130ran’daki K\u00fcrtlerin her birinin \u015fartlar\u0131 ayr\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin \u0130ran’da Persler ve Azerilerle, Irak’ta ve Suriye’de ise Araplarla olan sosyal, ekonomik ve demografik irtibatlar\u0131; T\u00fcrkiye’de oldu\u011fu gibi i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir durumda san\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r.\u00a0Onun i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt sorununun bu \u00fclkelerdeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u015fekilleri de farkl\u0131 farkl\u0131d\u0131r. D\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin fig\u00fcran\u0131 olmaktan sak\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n “Irak K\u00fcrtleri gelecekte 25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017 tarihindeki referandum ile ortaya koyduklar\u0131 ‘Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k’ iradelerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek isterlerse, buna sayg\u0131 duymak laz\u0131md\u0131r. Suriye’de K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in federasyon en ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak ortada durmaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir stat\u00fc mutlaka T\u00fcrkiye ile bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde, dost ve karde\u015f bir yap\u0131da olmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ran’da ismen mevcut bulunan K\u00fcrdistan Eyaleti, \u015fekli olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131larak; i\u015flevsel bir \u015fekilde K\u00fcrtlerin talepleri do\u011frultusunda yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.”[1] <\/span><\/em><\/strong>diyen yazar, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ABD ve \u0130srail a\u011fz\u0131yla konu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Siyonist ve emperyalist odaklar\u0131n sinsi ve tehlikeli planlar\u0131n\u0131, K\u00fcrtlerin Kurtulu\u015f Program\u0131<\/em> diye sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Kuzey Irak’taki \u0130slami K\u00fcrt Hareketlerine dikkatle bakmak laz\u0131md\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 1- \u0130slam Birli\u011fi Partisi (Yekgirtu)<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 2- \u0130slami Hareket Partisi (Bizutnawa)<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 3- \u0130slam Toplumu Partisi (Komela \u0130slami)<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bizutnawa \u0130slami: <\/span><\/strong>1954’te \u015eeyh Osman ABDULAZ\u0130Z taraf\u0131ndan; M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler’in Irak-K\u00fcrt \u015fubesi olarak ba\u015flad\u0131. 1987’de partile\u015fip siyasete kat\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6nce Erbakan Hareketine, \u015fimdi T\u00fcrkiye’nin PKK’ya y\u00f6nelik faaliyetlerine destek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Meclis’te 5 milletvekili bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Komela \u0130slami K\u00fcrdistan: <\/span><\/strong>2001’den beri, Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Molla Ali Bapir olmaktad\u0131r. Irak i\u015fgalinde ABD taraf\u0131ndan hapse at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Barzani’nin Irak’tan ayr\u0131lma ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrdistan fikrine kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. \u015eu anda Meclis’te 7 milletvekili vard\u0131r. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ensar El-\u0130slam: <\/span><\/strong>Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Molla Fatih Krekar (Necmettin Ferec Ahmed) diye tan\u0131n\u0131r. Merkezi Halep\u00e7e Beyara kasabas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130slam Devleti amac\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. PYD ve PKK’ya kar\u015f\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye’nin yan\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Goranilerle Barzaniler aras\u0131nda n\u00fcfuz kavgas\u0131 ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r ve Kuzey Irak’\u0131 par\u00e7alama noktas\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n B\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130slamc\u0131 K\u00fcrt hareketler; Barzanilerce aldat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, K\u00fcrdistan halk\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil, Amerika ve yanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, Katolik S\u00fcryanilerin (Keldaniler-Musul’da 60 bin kadard\u0131r) ve Ezidilerin daha etkin olduklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Barzaniler Nak\u015fili\u011fin, Talabaniler ise Kadirili\u011fin istismar\u0131n\u0131 yapmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sek\u00fcler (\u0130slam d\u0131\u015f\u0131-Bat\u0131 kaynakl\u0131) bir anayasa haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. AKP, Barzanilerle s\u0131k\u0131 f\u0131k\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 1996’da Libya Trablus’taki Tasavvuf Kongresi’ne kat\u0131lan \u015eeyh Osman’\u0131n \u0130slami Hareket m\u00fcmessili bize \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bilgiler aktarm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Kuzey Irak M\u00fcsl\u00fcman K\u00fcrt \u00e2limleri itiraf\u0131: “Y\u0131llarca masum K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 zahmet ve sefalet \u00e7ekti, ama Barzaniler Ha\u00e7l\u0131 Bat\u0131’y\u0131 ve Amerika’y\u0131 memnun eden bir y\u00f6netim ve b\u00e2t\u0131l bir sistem yerle\u015ftirdi.”<\/em> \u015feklinde pi\u015fmanl\u0131k duyulmaktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Siyonist ve Emperyalist Odaklarla \u0130rtibatl\u0131 K\u00fcrt Aileleri \u0130yi Tan\u0131mal\u0131d\u0131r!<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Barzani ailesi hesaba kat\u0131lmadan b\u00f6lgedeki hi\u00e7bir denklem anla\u015f\u0131lamaz. Baba Molla Mustafa Barzani, 16 ya\u015f\u0131nda a\u011fabeylerinin yan\u0131nda \u0130ngilizlere kar\u015f\u0131 isyana kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, 29 ya\u015f\u0131nda Barzan A\u015firetinin reisi olmu\u015f, 1943’te Ba\u011fdat y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 isyan\u0131 ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015f ve iki y\u0131l sonra isyan bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131nca a\u015firetini al\u0131p \u0130ran’a ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. 1946’da Mahabad K\u00fcrt Cumhuriyeti’nin kurucular\u0131 aras\u0131nda bulunmu\u015f; \u0130ran, Mahabad Cumhuriyeti’ne son verince, adamlar\u0131yla Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birli\u011fi’ne (SSCB) ka\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1958 y\u0131l\u0131nda Irak’ta kral\u0131 deviren Sovyetlere yak\u0131n General Abd\u00fclkerim Kas\u0131m’\u0131n otonomi vaadiyle Irak’a geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f ve Kuzey Irak Valisi olmu\u015ftur. \u00dc\u00e7 y\u0131l haz\u0131rl\u0131ktan sonra da 1961’de tekrar K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 Irak y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 isyan ettirmi\u015ftir.[2] Mustafa Barzani’nin bu isyan s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u0130svi\u00e7re televizyonuna verdi\u011fi, “\u0130stiklal davam\u0131z\u0131 bir g\u00fcn muhakkak kazanaca\u011f\u0131z. K\u00fcrdistan haritas\u0131n\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt istikl\u00e2lini b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnya milletlerine kabul ettirece\u011fiz. Irak’tan sonra ikinci m\u00fccadele cephemiz T\u00fcrkiye olacakt\u0131r. Fakat bu m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in zaman daha \u00e7ok erkendir.” \u015feklindeki r\u00f6portaj\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye’de \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck yank\u0131 uyand\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[3] Barzani ailesinin hedefi bug\u00fcn de de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bedirhan Ailesi ve Tahribatlar\u0131:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Mustafa Barzani Irak K\u00fcrtlerini ayakland\u0131r\u0131nca, ayaklanman\u0131n Avrupa’daki s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Bedirhan ailesi mensuplar\u0131ndan Kamuran Ali Bedirhan \u00fcstlenir. Kamuran Ali Bedirhan, 1895 \u0130stanbul do\u011fumludur. Lise \u00f6\u011frenimini Galatasaray Lisesi’nde yapar, \u0130stanbul \u00dcniversitesi’nde Hukuk okur. 30 Aral\u0131k 1918’de K\u00fcrdistan Teali Cemiyeti’nin kurulmas\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck rol oynar. Daha sonra 1922 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye’den Almanya’ya ka\u00e7ar. Yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndayken Polonyal\u0131 prenses Nathalie d’Ossovetzky ile evlenir.[4] Bu ailelerin evlilikleri hep ilgin\u00e7tir. \u0130srailli ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 \u015ealom Nakdimon, “Irak ve Ortado\u011fu” isimli kitab\u0131nda, \u0130srail ile ili\u015fkileri kuran ilk K\u00fcrt lider olarak Kamuran Ali Bedirhan’\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Nakdimon’a g\u00f6re, Kamuran Ali Bedirhan MOSSAD casuslu\u011fu yapmaktad\u0131r. Yine The Guardian gazetesinin Tel-Aviv muhabiri Ian Black ile Brookings Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc’nde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesi Benny Morris’in ortakla\u015fa yazd\u0131klar\u0131 “\u0130srail’in Gizli Sava\u015f\u0131-\u0130srail \u0130stihbarat Servislerinin Tarihi” (Israel’s Secret Wars-A History of Israel’s Intelligence Services) isimli kitapta, Kamuran Ali Bedirhan’\u0131n 1950 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130srail Savunma Bakan\u0131 \u015eimon Peres ile g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve o tarihlerden itibaren \u0130srail ad\u0131na casusluk yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yazmaktad\u0131r.[5] \u0130srail casusu Kamuran Ali Bedirhan’\u0131n dedelerinden Bedirhan Bey de Osmanl\u0131’ya isyan etmi\u015f, 1845 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ni\u015fanesi olarak para bast\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve kendi ad\u0131na hutbe okutmu\u015ftur. OdaTV yazarlar\u0131ndan Salim Meri\u00e7, Selanikli D\u00f6nmelerle yapt\u0131klar\u0131 evliliklerden yola \u00e7\u0131karak Bedirhan ailesinin de \u0130brani as\u0131ll\u0131 oldu\u011funu iddia eder.[6] Bedirhan ailesi, T\u00fcrkiye’deki Ku\u0308rtc\u0327u\u0308lu\u0308k hareketinin ve Ku\u0308rtc\u0327u\u0308 Sol’un \u00f6nc\u00fc kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n yeti\u015ftirilmesinde belirgin bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[7] Bedirhan Bey’in torunlar\u0131ndan Celadet ve Kamuran Ali Bedirhan, Frans\u0131z Mandas\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki \u015eam’da, Hoybun ad\u0131nda bir \u00f6rg\u00fct kurarlar. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fct, T\u00fcrkiye’deki K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck hareketine gerekli maddi deste\u011fi sa\u011flar. Tespit edilen strateji; K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck hareketini yapacak kadrolar\u0131 yeti\u015ftirmektir. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bu arada Musa Anter, K\u00fcrt bilincini yaymak i\u00e7in arkada\u015flar\u0131yla birlikte \u0130leri Yurt gazetesini \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Mustafa Barzani’nin 1958 y\u0131l\u0131nda Irak’a d\u00f6n\u00fcp ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 K\u00fcrt ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden ba\u015flatmas\u0131yla e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak Musa Anter, \u0130leri Yurt gazetesinde, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e “Qimil \/ K\u0131m\u0131l” isimli bir \u015fiir yay\u0131nlar. K\u0131m\u0131l, bu\u011fdaya ciddi zarar veren bir b\u00f6cektir. Anter, \u015fiirinde T\u00fcrkleri k\u0131m\u0131la benzetir. Anter; bu \u015fiirinde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a K\u00fcrtlerin, T\u00fcrk devleti taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc fikrini i\u015fler. Anter’in amac\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye’de de ba\u015flat\u0131lmak istenilen K\u00fcrt ayaklanmas\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlamakt\u0131r. Zaten Mustafa Barzani de a\u00e7\u0131ktan “Irak’tan sonra ikinci m\u00fccadele cephemiz T\u00fcrkiye olacakt\u0131r” demi\u015ftir. Irak’taki ayaklanma ile T\u00fcrkiye’deki k\u0131p\u0131rdanma e\u015f zamanl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015fin ilgin\u00e7 yan\u0131 Cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminde K\u00fcrt bilincinin kurucu babas\u0131 say\u0131lan Musa Anter, K\u00fcrtlerin \u00e7ok\u00e7a kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek ismi \u015eehmus’u Musa olarak, soyad\u0131 olan Elmas’\u0131 ise \u0130branicede \u00e7ok ge\u00e7en Anter kelimesiyle de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.[8] Daha da ilginci ise, bir k\u00f6y \u00e7ocu\u011fu olan Musa Anter’in, 1944’te Abdurrahim Rahmi Zapsu’nun k\u0131z\u0131 Ay\u015fe Hale ile evlenerek \u00e7ok zengin Bedirhan ailesine damat olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ay\u015fe Han\u0131m AKP’nin kurucular\u0131ndan C\u00fcneyt Zapsu’nun halas\u0131d\u0131r.[9] C\u00fcneyt Zapsu, AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ilk 5 y\u0131l\u0131nda g\u00f6lge Ba\u015fbakan gibidir. Prof. Yal\u00e7\u0131n K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck, Musa Anter hakk\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle der: “\u00c7anakkale’de s\u00fcrg\u00fcnde iken sinagoglara gitti\u011fini an\u0131lar\u0131nda yaz\u0131yor. Toplumsal Kurtulu\u015f’a \u00e7ok gelirdi; Musa, T\u00fcrk solundan ve T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nden Yahudi k\u00f6kenini saklamazd\u0131…” K\u00fcrtl\u00fck bilincini olu\u015fturanlar\u0131n kimler oldu\u011funa bakar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z? Bu d\u00f6nemde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen 27 May\u0131s 1961 darbesi daha \u00e7ok Demokrat Parti i\u00e7erisinde varl\u0131k g\u00f6steren geleneksel K\u00fcrt yap\u0131lanmas\u0131na darbe vurur. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ger\u00e7ekten de T\u0130P’in g\u00fcndeminde ba\u015flarda K\u00fcrt ya da Do\u011fu sorunu yoktur. Bunun imas\u0131 bile yoktur. Fakat zaman i\u00e7inde parti i\u00e7indeki Do\u011fulular Grubu, sosyalist terminoloji gerek\u00e7esiyle K\u00fcrt sorununu T\u0130P’in g\u00fcndemine sokmay\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131rlar.[10] Musa Anter T\u0130P’e kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Anter, partinin Genel Merkezi’nde, Mehmet Ali Aybar, Behice Boran ve Sadun Aren’in dinleyici olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 seminerlerde K\u00fcrt sorununu anlat\u0131r. Anter’in T\u0130P \u00fcst y\u00f6netimine verdi\u011fi seminerler, partinin K\u00fcrt sorununu kabullenmesinde \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkili olur.[11]<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Do\u011fu Uyan\u0131\u015f Mitingleri ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fclerin K\u00fcrtlere K\u0131ya\u011f\u0131!<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc hareketin kimlik bulmas\u0131nda 1967 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n A\u011fustos-Kas\u0131m aylar\u0131 aras\u0131nda K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukla ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 G\u00fcneydo\u011fu illerinde yap\u0131lan “Do\u011fu Uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131” ad\u0131 verilen yedi b\u00fcy\u00fck mitingin \u00f6nemli bir yeri vard\u0131r. Mitinglere giden yolu anlamam\u0131z, kurulan tezg\u00e2h\u0131 g\u00f6rmemizi sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Radikal T\u00fcrk Milliyet\u00e7isi Nihal Ats\u0131z, Kemalistlerin T\u00fcrk Tarih Tezi’ni yani “T\u00fcrkiye vatanda\u015f\u0131 olan herkes T\u00fcrk’t\u00fcr” iddias\u0131n\u0131 reddetmektedir. Ats\u0131z, “Melezle\u015fmeyi” T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tehditlerinden biri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr.[12] Ats\u0131z’\u0131n niyeti, T\u00fcrklerle K\u00fcrtleri ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmakt\u0131r. Nihal Beyefendi, \u00d6t\u00fcken dergisinin Nisan 1967 say\u0131s\u0131nda K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flar\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtan \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131r bir yaz\u0131 kaleme al\u0131r. Ats\u0131z, yaz\u0131s\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle demektedir: “T\u00fcrk milletinin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 belaya sokmadan, kendileri de yok olmadan \u00e7ekip gitsinler. Nereye mi? G\u00f6zleri nereyi g\u00f6r\u00fcr, g\u00f6n\u00fclleri nereyi \u00e7ekerse oraya gitsinler. \u0130ran’a, Pakistan’a, Hindistan’a, Barzani’ye gitsinler. Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler’e ba\u015fvurup Afrika’da yurtluk istesinler. T\u00fcrk \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sab\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011funu, fakat ayran\u0131 kabard\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman Ka\u011fan Arslan gibi \u00f6n\u00fcnde durulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u0131rkda\u015flar\u0131 Ermenilere sorarak \u00f6\u011frensinler de ak\u0131llar\u0131 ba\u015flar\u0131na gelsin. \u015eimdilik bu kadar.”<\/em> Bu sat\u0131rlar K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flar \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok k\u00f6t\u00fc bir etki yarat\u0131r. \u015eehirlerde e\u011fitim g\u00f6ren K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli gen\u00e7ler, s\u00f6z konusu yaz\u0131ya tepki olarak Ankara’da kurduklar\u0131 19 derne\u011fin imzas\u0131yla, kar\u015f\u0131 bir bildiri yay\u0131nlarlar. Nihal Ats\u0131z’\u0131n yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n G\u00fcneydo\u011fu b\u00f6lgesinde ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli halka k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde anlat\u0131lmas\u0131, gerekli ortam\u0131 haz\u0131rlar. \u0130lk miting Urfa’n\u0131n Silvan il\u00e7esinde 13 A\u011fustos 1967’de yap\u0131l\u0131r. Silvan Mitingi’ni T\u0130P Silvan \u0130l\u00e7e Ba\u015fkan\u0131 olan Mehdi Zana d\u00fczenler. Zana, Nihal Ats\u0131z’\u0131n yaz\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 Silvan’da “Siz K\u00fcrt’s\u00fcn\u00fcz, kalk\u0131n! Kendi haklar\u0131n\u0131za sahip \u00e7\u0131k\u0131n” \u015feklinde bildiri yaz\u0131p da\u011f\u0131tm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[13] Do\u011fu Uyan\u0131\u015f Mitinglerinde organizasyonu T\u0130P yapar. Fikir Kul\u00fcpleri Federasyonu da destek bildirileri da\u011f\u0131tarak bu mitinglere destek verir.[14] B\u00f6lgede K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 ciddi \u015fekilde k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtan hi\u00e7bir olay \u0130srail’den ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Nihal Ats\u0131z, yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaz\u0131 ile T\u00fcrkiye’de K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flar\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ortado\u011fu’da sava\u015f ba\u015flarken G\u00fcneydo\u011fu’da da mitingler ve halk hareketi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu noktada Nihal Ats\u0131z hakk\u0131nda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir bilgi verelim. \u0130ki ultra milliyet\u00e7i olan Nihal Ats\u0131z ve Reha O\u011fuz T\u00fcrkkan, aralar\u0131nda giri\u015ftikleri kavgada birbirlerini T\u00fcrk soyundan gelmemekle su\u00e7larlar. Olay b\u00fcy\u00fcr ve mahkemeye ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131r. D\u00f6nemin S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Mahkemesi raporunda, Nihal Ats\u0131z’\u0131n atalar\u0131n\u0131n G\u00fcm\u00fc\u015fhane Midi K\u00f6y\u00fc’nden olduklar\u0131 ve “d\u00f6nme” olarak bilindiklerini yazar.[15] S\u00f6z\u00fcn \u00f6z\u00fc; Musa Anter ne kadar K\u00fcrt ise Nihal Ats\u0131z da o kadar T\u00fcrk’t\u00fcr. Ats\u0131z’\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya Mehdi Zana r\u00f6ve\u015fatay\u0131 \u00e7akar, gol olur: Do\u011fu Uyan\u0131\u015f Mitinglerinden sonra Musa Anter’in “K\u0131m\u0131l” \u015fiiri ile ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Ku\u0308rdistan S\u00f6m\u00fcrgedir” tezi, K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc Sol’un \u00e2deta “Amentu\u0308su\u0308’ne” d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye \u0130htilalci \u0130\u015f\u00e7i K\u00f6yl\u00fc Partisi (T\u0130\u0130KP) ve Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck Tavr\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n T\u0130P’in i\u00e7indeki Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 ekip s\u00fcrekli partiyi K\u00fcrt sorunu ile ilgilenmeye zorlamakta ve gen\u00e7leri k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 faaliyetlerde bulunmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin; Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n kaleme al\u0131nmas\u0131na ve kabul edilmesine \u00f6nayak oldu\u011fu bir bildiri, T\u0130P’in 4. Kongresi’nde kabul edilir. Bu bildiride hayli dikkat \u00e7ekici ifadeler yer almaktad\u0131r: “…Devrimci ayd\u0131nlar ve gen\u00e7lik, halk\u0131n devrimci saflar\u0131nda toplanmaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n zulm\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 kahramanca direnmektedir. (…) T\u00fcrkiye’de ya\u015fayan T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt halklar\u0131 emperyalizm ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerine kar\u015f\u0131 omuz omuza sava\u015facak ve milliyetler \u00fczerindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn bask\u0131lara son vererek kendi kaderlerini h\u00fcr iradeleriyle tayin edeceklerdir.”[16] <\/em>Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar, T\u0130P i\u00e7erisindeki m\u00fccadelede istedikleri radikalli\u011fe ula\u015famamaktad\u0131r. Bir s\u00fcre sonra K\u00fcrt sorununu daha radikal bir \u015fekilde k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtabilmek i\u00e7in illegal bir parti olan T\u00fcrkiye \u0130htilalci \u0130\u015f\u00e7i K\u00f6yl\u00fc Partisi’ni (T\u0130\u0130KP) kurarlar. Partinin kurucular\u0131 Mao’nun da\u011fdan-\u015fehre k\u0131r gerillas\u0131yla m\u00fccadele \u00e7izgisini benimseyen Do\u011fu Perin\u00e7ek liderli\u011findeki G\u00fcn Zileli, Oral \u00c7al\u0131\u015flar, \u00d6mer \u00d6zerturgut ve Cengiz \u00c7andar’d\u0131r. T\u0130\u0130KP’nin, Endonezya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi T\u00fcz\u00fck Tasar\u0131s\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kamufle edilen t\u00fcz\u00fck tasar\u0131s\u0131nda \u015funlar yazar: “T\u0130\u0130KP, T\u00fcrkiye proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n Marksizm-Leninizm-Mao Zedung d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle silahlanm\u0131\u015f siyasi partisidir.”…“T\u0130\u0130KP, halk sava\u015f\u0131 yoluyla gerici iktidar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtta y\u0131kmak ve halk\u0131n ihtilalci iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurmak i\u00e7in halk\u0131n silahl\u0131 kuvvetlerini te\u015fkilatlar ve i\u015f\u00e7i k\u00f6yl\u00fc ittifak\u0131 temeli \u00fczerinde halk\u0131n devrimci cephesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.”[17] <\/em>G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar alenen gen\u00e7leri silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye y\u00f6nlendirmektedir. Burada bir noktaya dikkatinizi \u00e7ekmek istiyoruz. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n asli g\u00f6revi silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye girmek de\u011fil, yay\u0131n yoluyla kimsenin yazamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yazarak di\u011ferlerini gaza getirip ate\u015fe s\u00fcrmektir. Unutmay\u0131n, “kriptolar \u00f6lmez, kand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 ate\u015fli taraftarlar \u00f6l\u00fcr.”<\/em> T\u0130\u0130KP kapat\u0131l\u0131nca Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar Ankara S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Mahkemesi taraf\u0131ndan yarg\u0131lan\u0131r. San\u0131klar\u0131n 14 Haziran-9 Temmuz 1974 tarihleri aras\u0131nda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 savunmalar kitapla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Ba\u015fta Do\u011fu Perin\u00e7ek olmak \u00fczere, 141 san\u0131k taraf\u0131ndan imzalan ve Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k yay\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131nlanan “T\u00fcrkiye \u0130htilalci \u0130\u015f\u00e7i K\u00f6yl\u00fc Partisi Davas\u0131-Savunma” isimli kitap ibretliktir. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n mahkemede yapt\u0131klar\u0131 savunmalardan bir \u00f6rnek verelim: <\/span><\/strong>T\u0130\u0130KP, K\u00fcrt milletinin kendi kaderini tayin ve isterse ayr\u0131 bir devlet kurma hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klar. <\/span><\/strong>(T\u0130\u0130KP Program\u0131 Madde 52)[18] K\u00fcrt milletinin kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 ne demektir? K\u00fcrt milleti, T\u00fcrk milletiyle ayn\u0131 devlet i\u00e7inde ya\u015famaya kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kabilir. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti’nden ayr\u0131larak, kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z milli devletini kurabilir. Devlet kurmak, yaln\u0131z T\u00fcrk milletinin tekelinde ve imtiyaz\u0131nda olamaz. Devlet kurmak, T\u00fcrk milletinin oldu\u011fu kadar, K\u00fcrt milletinin de hakk\u0131d\u0131r. Milletlerin kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131 demek, \u00f6z\u00fcnde ayr\u0131lma ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir milli devlet kurma hakk\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc demektir. Y\u0131llar sonra Do\u011fu Perin\u00e7ek bahse konu kitab\u0131 kastederek \u015f\u00f6yle diyecektir: “1973 T\u0130\u0130KP Savunmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt sorununda T\u00fcrkiye sosyalist hareketinin geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi ilk ciddi ve olgun belgedir. 12 Mart’ta yarg\u0131lanan K\u00fcrt \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinden hi\u00e7biri, b\u00f6yle devrimci bir programa sahip de\u011fillerdi. Mahkemelerde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylemediler…”[19] <\/em>Do\u011fu Perin\u00e7ek do\u011fru s\u00f6ylemektedir. Ger\u00e7ekten de ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 K\u00fcrt hareketinin ideolojik altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flardan \u00e7ok \u00e7ok daha c\u00fcretlidir. Hepsinin kalemi kan kusar. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Ebu Gureyb Takti\u011fi ve Ger\u00e7eklerin Abart\u0131l\u0131p \u00c7arp\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar olurken devletin i\u00e7ine s\u0131zm\u0131\u015f kriptolar da bo\u015f durmamaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcneydo\u011fu’da y\u00fckselen K\u00fcrt ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 hareketine kar\u015f\u0131, devleti sert tedbirler almaya ve zorlamaya ba\u015flarlar. Nitekim d\u00f6nemin M\u0130T M\u00fcste\u015far\u0131 Fuat Do\u011fu, K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck tehdidi hakk\u0131nda haz\u0131rlanan bir brifingi 19 Ocak 1970’te \u00c7ankaya K\u00f6\u015fk\u00fc’ne arz eder. Bu brifingden sonra askeri birlikler, G\u00fcneydo\u011fu’da mantar gibi \u00e7o\u011falmaya ba\u015flayan K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlere kar\u015f\u0131 tedbir ama\u00e7l\u0131 b\u00f6lgede silah aramalar\u0131na ba\u015flar. Komando birlikleri tek tek k\u00f6yleri gezerek, varsa k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin silahlar\u0131 teslim etmesini ister, sonra evlerde arama yaparlar. Bu aramalar esnas\u0131nda askerlerin halka k\u00f6t\u00fc davrand\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair haberler gelir. Devrimci Do\u011fu K\u00fclt\u00fcr Ocaklar\u0131 (DDKO) hemen b\u00f6lgeye bir heyet g\u00f6nderir. Olaylar\u0131 yerinde inceleyen heyet haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 raporu 15 May\u0131s 1970’te Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131’na iletir. Rapora g\u00f6re; “E\u015fk\u0131ya av\u0131 maskesinde k\u00f6yler bas\u0131lmakta, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere ‘silah getirin’ denilmekte, k\u00f6yl\u00fc silah olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyince falakaya yat\u0131r\u0131lmakta, yerlerde s\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcp ko\u015fturulmakta, piramitler kurdurularak birbirine bindirilmekte, bunlarla da yetinmeyerek k\u00f6yl\u00fcler \u00e7\u0131r\u0131l\u00e7\u0131plak soyundurulmakta, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n mahrem yerlerine el at\u0131l\u0131p i\u011fren\u00e7 muameleler yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu i\u015fkencelerde \u00f6lenlerin say\u0131s\u0131 fazlad\u0131r. \u00c7\u0131r\u0131l\u00e7\u0131plak soyunan kad\u0131n ve erkeklerin \u00fczerlerine su d\u00f6k\u00fclerek saatlerce kam\u00e7\u0131lanarak sehpalardan bas\u0327 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ast\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu i\u015fkenceler sonucunda intihara te\u015febb\u00fcs eden k\u00f6yl\u00fcler olmu\u015ftur. Yer yer \u00e7\u0131plak edilen erkeklerin tenas\u00fcl uzuvlar\u0131na ip ba\u011flan\u0131p kad\u0131nlar\u0131n eline verilerek, b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6y gezdirilmektedir. Yine \u00e7\u0131r\u0131l\u00e7\u0131plak edilen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n k\u00f6y i\u00e7inde b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcn boyu dola\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131 olay\u0131na s\u0131k s\u0131k rastlan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Yine bu bask\u0131nlar\u0131n bir\u00e7o\u011funda k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden kad\u0131n istenmi\u015f ve bunun i\u00e7in kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 vermeyen k\u00f6y halk\u0131 i\u015fkenceye t\u00e2bi tutulmu\u015ftur.”[20] <\/em>Bu raporu haz\u0131rlayanlar, raporun i\u00e7inde iddia ettikleri insanl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u011fren\u00e7 uygulamalar\u0131 ispatlayan hi\u00e7bir kan\u0131t sunmazlar. Ama art\u0131k bir kere bu rapor yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6nemli olan alg\u0131d\u0131r. Raporda anlat\u0131lan hayali uygulamalar Amerikal\u0131 askerlerin 2003 y\u0131l\u0131 Irak i\u015fgalinden sonra Ebu Gureyb Hapishanesi’nde Irakl\u0131 esirlere yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 an\u0131msatmaktad\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcler, halk\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtarak i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 tetiklemek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131r. G\u00fcneydo\u011fu’da yap\u0131lan k\u00f6y aramalar\u0131nda mutlaka naho\u015f olaylar da olmu\u015ftur ama rapor \u00e7ok bariz bir ajitasyon \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Benzer \u015feyler, 1980 darbesinden sonra Diyarbak\u0131r 5 No’lu Cezaevi i\u00e7in de yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenli vatanda\u015flara inan\u0131lmaz i\u015fkenceler yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, hatta kendi pisliklerinin yedirildi\u011fi gibi sa\u00e7ma sapan yalanlar uydurulmu\u015ftur. Oysaki K\u00fcrt k\u00f6kenliler ile \u00dclk\u00fcc\u00fclere ve Solculara yap\u0131lan i\u015fkence ve k\u00f6t\u00fc muamele fazlas\u0131z, noksans\u0131z ayn\u0131d\u0131r. <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [1]<\/a> Altan Tan \/ \u0130ndependent T\u00fcrk\u00e7e \/ Pazartesi 06 Nisan 2020<\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [2]<\/a> http:\/\/www.ufkumuzhaber.com\/46-yil-once-gelen-bir-mektuba-cevap-9742yy.htm<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [3]<\/a> \u00d6mer Turan, “T\u00fcrkiye’de K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc Sol 1968-1984”, Doktora Tezi, \u0130stanbul-2020, S-220<\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [4]<\/a> https:\/\/tr.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Kamuran_Ali_Bedirhan<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.odatv4.com\/analiz\/beyaz-kurtlerin-gizli-iktidari-1507121200-24860<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [6]<\/a> Age.<\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [7]<\/a> \u00d6mer Turan, “T\u00fcrkiye’de K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc Sol 1968-1984”, Doktora Tezi, \u0130stanbul-2020, S-170<\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [8]<\/a> https:\/\/kundir.net\/musa-anter-biyografisi\/<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [9]<\/a> https:\/\/tr.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Musa_Anter<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 [10]<\/a> Age. S-235<\/span><\/p>\n
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