{"id":1949,"date":"2010-12-20T20:54:03","date_gmt":"2010-12-20T20:54:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/2010\/12\/20\/cok-partili-siyaset-carki-ve-erbakanin-farki\/"},"modified":"2010-12-20T20:54:03","modified_gmt":"2010-12-20T20:54:03","slug":"cok-partili-siyaset-carki-ve-erbakanin-farki","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/2011\/ocak-2011\/cok-partili-siyaset-carki-ve-erbakanin-farki\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7OK PART\u0130L\u0130 S\u0130YASET \u00c7ARKI VE ERBAKAN\u2019IN FARKI"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Erbakan Hoca\u2019n\u0131n, ta 1968\u2019lerde \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi ve \u201cPancar Motor\u201d olarak \u00fcretimini hala s\u00fcrd\u00fcre geldi\u011fi y\u00fczde y\u00fcz yerli G\u00dcM\u00dc\u015e MOTOR Fabrikalar\u0131 giri\u015fiminden T\u00fcrkiye Odalar Birlili\u011fi Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ser\u00fcvenine\u2026 Konya\u2019daki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zlar hareketiyle Meclise girmelerinden Milli Nizam s\u00fcrecine\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">O kapat\u0131l\u0131nca kurulan Milli Selamet Partisinden, Ecevit ve Demirel\u2019le koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerine ve kendi tabiriyle, \u00c7IRAKLIK d\u00f6nemindeki tarihi hizmetlerine\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesinden sonra kurulan Refah Partisi\u2019ne ve KALFALIK d\u00f6nemi efsane hizmetlerin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Refah-Yol h\u00fck\u00fcmetine\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">28 \u015eubat tertibinden sonra Fazilet, o da kapat\u0131l\u0131nca Saadet Partisine;<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Tam k\u0131rk \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r, T\u00fcrkiye siyaseti ve tabi Siyonizmin-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 emperyalizmin stratejisi Erbakan ger\u00e7e\u011fine g\u00f6re \u015fekillenmektedir.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Erbakan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmek ve Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f iktidar\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<li><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Nice ihtilaller ve post modern darbeler tertiplenmi\u015f<\/b><\/span><\/li>\n<li><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Bunlarla istedi\u011fi neticeyi elde edemeyen d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve Masonik i\u015fbirlik\u00e7iler, \u00f6nce sa\u011fc\u0131, sonra solcu partilere dindar g\u00f6r\u00fcnmek ve oylar\u0131n\u0131 dev\u015firmek hevesiyle tavizler vermek ve halk\u0131n inanc\u0131yla bar\u0131\u015f\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcnmek mecburiyeti hissedilmi\u015f\u2026<\/b><\/span><\/li>\n<li><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Aman Erbakan\u2019a kaymas\u0131nlar diye camilere, dini derneklere, tarikat ve cemaatlere, imani ve ahlaki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 gazete, dergi ve TV\u2019lere sa\u011flanan istismar ama\u00e7l\u0131 kolayl\u0131klar; halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcne d\u00f6nmesini ve y\u0131llarca bast\u0131r\u0131lan manevi de\u011ferlere hasret ve hararetle sahiplenmesini netice vermi\u015f.<\/b><\/span><\/li>\n<li><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Bu tavizler, yeni tavizleri gerektirmi\u015f, ger\u00e7e\u011fi gelmesin diye taklitlerine f\u0131rsat ve ruhsat verilmi\u015f; Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u2019ten kopard\u0131klar\u0131, makam ve menfaat kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kiralad\u0131klar\u0131 ANAVATAN ve AKP iktidar\u0131na r\u0131za g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir. Ne Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n dindarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ne Recep T. Erdo\u011fanlar\u0131n han\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcrbanlar\u0131, elbette yapt\u0131klar\u0131 tahribatlar\u0131 \u00f6rtmeye yetmemektedir ama;&nbsp; han\u0131mlar\u0131 t\u00fcrbanl\u0131, kocalar\u0131 namazl\u0131-niyazl\u0131 insanlar\u0131n Bakan, Ba\u015fbakan ve Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 yap\u0131lma mecburiyeti, elbette ve kesinlikle Erbakan\u2019\u0131 \u00f6nlemeye ve Adil D\u00fczeni geciktirmeye y\u00f6nelik tavizlerdir ve tabi bunlar\u0131n sevab\u0131 ve \u015ferefi de Erbakan\u2019a aittir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Onun sayesindedir.<\/b><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Bu ger\u00e7ekleri kabullenip Erbakan\u2019\u0131 tebrik ve te\u015fekk\u00fcr etmek yerine, tam tersi bir tereslikle nank\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe y\u00f6nelmek ve \u201cBu Erbakan hi\u00e7 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmasayd\u0131, en az\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nceden beri yerini gen\u00e7lere b\u0131raksayd\u0131, \u015fimdi T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7ok daha iyi ve ileri durumlara gelecekti\u201d gibi as\u0131ls\u0131z iddialar \u00fcretmek ve hatta h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 alamay\u0131p, malum odaklara yaranmak \u00fcmidiyle, s\u00fct\u00fc bozukluk edip hakaretle Hoca\u2019ya \u00fcr\u00fcmek, ne b\u00fcy\u00fck bir talihsizlik ve nasipsizliktir.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Zaman denen Saman \u00c7uval\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ve Ali \u00dcnal\u2019\u0131n saptama ve sapt\u0131rmalar\u0131:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Zaman grubu ve yazarlar\u0131 \u00f6teden beri Erbakan&#8217;a kar\u015f\u0131 husumet beslemektedir. Numan Kurtulmu\u015f&#8217;un Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;ten ayr\u0131l\u0131k sinyalleri verdi\u011finden beri ona kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zel bir ihtimam ve yak\u0131nl\u0131k g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Hocaefendileri, Milliyet gazetesine verdi\u011fi bir deme\u00e7te, 28 \u015eubat d\u00f6neminde Erbakan i\u00e7in <b><i>&#8220;Ben bu adam\u0131 hi\u00e7 sevmedim&#8221;<\/i><\/b> demi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Zaman\u0131n kaypak yazar\u0131 Ali \u00dcnal&#8217;\u0131n: <b><i>&#8220;1960&#8217;tan sonra siyas\u00ee ve i\u00e7tima\u00ee sahada T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin neredeyse yar\u0131m asr\u0131na damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran Demirel-Ecevit-Erbakan ve T\u00fcrke\u015f mozai\u011fi, Demirel ve Erbakan&#8217;\u0131n \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131\u015flar\u0131na ve \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki se\u00e7imlerde konu\u015fulup yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere muhtemel bir Demirel-Erbakan ittifak\u0131na ra\u011fmen, art\u0131k \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc tamamlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, nas\u0131l \u015fu son d\u00f6nemde \u00e7ok partili hayata ge\u00e7i\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131 olan 1946-1950 aras\u0131n\u0131 demokrasi ad\u0131na daha ileri bir seviyede ya\u015f\u0131yorsa, siyas\u00ee hayat da, T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin klasi\u011fi ve as\u0131l siyas\u00ee karakteri olan DP (AKP)-CHP kanatlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde cereyan ediyor.&#8221;<\/i><\/b> <b>s\u00f6zleri bunlar\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermeye yeterlidir.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Biz \u00f6nce \u015fu hat\u0131rlatmada bulunal\u0131m: Erbakan ile Demirel bir arada an\u0131lmayacak kadar birbirine ayk\u0131r\u0131 ve farkl\u0131 \u015fahsiyetlerdir. \u00d6nce Say\u0131n \u00dcnal\u2019\u0131n kendi gelene\u011finin kimlerle ili\u015fkili oldu\u011funa ve y\u0131llarca Mason S\u00fcleyman\u2019a nas\u0131l hizmetk\u00e2rl\u0131k yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakmas\u0131 gerekir. Demirel y\u0131llar y\u0131l\u0131 onlar\u0131n &#8220;Nurlu&#8221; lideri de\u011fil miydi? Bir se\u00e7im arifesinde kendisini ziyaret eden nur karde\u015fleri &#8220;Cemaatimizden neden biri milletvekili aday\u0131 de\u011fil&#8221; diye sorduklar\u0131nda, Demirel&#8217;in: &#8220;Sizin aday\u0131n\u0131z benim ya, daha ne istiyorsunuz&#8221; dememi\u015f miydi?<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">RP. Se\u00e7imlerde birinci parti \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u0130srail Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Weizman T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;ye gelmi\u015fti. Yeni Biny\u0131l gazetesine T\u00fcrkiye Hava sahas\u0131nda verdi\u011fi deme\u00e7te: Man\u015fet \u015e\u00f6yle idi: &#8220;Benim dostum Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Demirel Erbakan&#8217;a h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurdurmayacak&#8221; yaz\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131nda ise: &#8220;T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;ye daveti kabul etmemin bir sebebi de bu konular\u0131 soru\u015fturmak. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 S\u00fcleyman Demirel&#8217;i \u00e7ok iyi tan\u0131yorum ve onun, elindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcc\u00fc kullanarak, b\u00f6yle bir geli\u015fmeyi \u00f6nleyece\u011fine inan\u0131yorum. Ordunun da kenarda bekleyece\u011fini sanm\u0131yorum.&#8221; demi\u015fti ve s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00f6yle geli\u015fmi\u015fti. Hem Demirel de\u011fil miydi 28 \u015eubat&#8217;\u0131n mimarlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi. Hem Zaman gazetesi de\u011fil miydi ki \u0130srail \u0130stanbul konsolosuna gazetesinde haftal\u0131k yaz\u0131lar yazd\u0131r\u0131vermi\u015fti. Hem de\u011fil midir ki &#8220;\u0130srail b\u00fcy\u00fck otorite&#8221; ilan edilmi\u015fti.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Gazze&#8217;deki Filistinleri ter\u00f6rist il\u00e2n eden kimdi? Mavi Marmara gemisinde su\u00e7suz yere katledilenlerin \u015fehit olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen kimdi?<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">6 Eyl\u00fcl 2006 tarihinde sabah\u0131n erken saatlerinden \u0130srail U\u00e7aklar\u0131 Akdeniz \u00fczerinden topraklar\u0131m\u0131za girerek Suriye&#8217;nin Deyr-el Zur b\u00f6lgesinde bulunan n\u00fckleer tesisleri bombalam\u0131\u015f kimsenin ruhu duymam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130srail sava\u015f u\u00e7aklar\u0131ndan birinin yak\u0131t tank\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye topraklar\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmesi sonucu, bir de Suriye&#8217;deki tesislerin bombalanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6\u011frenilmesi sonucu durum anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6zellikle Mill\u00ee Gazete&#8217;mizde konuyla ilgili epey yaz\u0131 yay\u0131mlan\u0131nca kamuoyu olay\u0131n fark\u0131na varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ve Fetullah\u00e7\u0131 Zaman Gazetesi ve AKP\u2019nin yanda\u015f s\u00f6zc\u00fcleri bu konuya k\u00f6r ve sa\u011f\u0131r davranm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">George W. Bush&#8217;un an\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131yla olay\u0131n perde arkas\u0131 da ayd\u0131nlanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<div style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Erbakan\u2019la ilgili \u00e7arp\u0131tmalar<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde 1981 ihtilal\u0131 siyasi ve ideolojik t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131ktan kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131, ama ger\u00e7ekte; \u00fclkeyi \u00e7\u00f6kme, devleti \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme noktas\u0131na getiren d\u0131\u015ftaki m\u00fcdahaleyi ve i\u00e7teki h\u0131yaneti durdurma mecburiyetiyle ve tabi Milli Selamet\u2019i kapatmak \u015fart\u0131yla yapt\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan 1960-1980 d\u00f6neminde olu\u015fan ve sa\u011fc\u0131lar\u0131, solcular\u0131, dinsel gruplar\u0131 ve g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn ve bilhassa K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131ndaki a\u015firet d\u00fczeninin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni lider kadrolar\u0131 i\u00e7ine alan yeni elitler tekrar harmanland\u0131. CHP&#8217;nin 1977 se\u00e7imlerindeki nispi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 liderlik ve ideolojisindeki \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklerden kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Parti 1965&#8217;ten itibaren k\u00f6yden kente g\u00f6\u00e7 eden se\u00e7menleri etkilemek i\u00e7in &#8220;ortan\u0131n solu&#8221;na kaym\u0131\u015f, laikli\u011fi ve pozitivizmi geri plana atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sonu\u00e7ta parti Kemalizm\u2019in ilkelerini, yani alt\u0131 oku bayra\u011f\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131. Ancak 1990&#8217;lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda yeniden kurulunca alt\u0131 oklu bayra\u011fa yeniden sar\u0131ld\u0131. CHP i\u00e7indeki s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona ki\u015fisel iktidar m\u00fccadelesi 1971 y\u0131l\u0131nda sonu\u00e7land\u0131 ve \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc&#8217;n\u00fcn bizzat se\u00e7ip himaye etti\u011fi B\u00fclent Ecevit kendisine kar\u015f\u0131 zafer kazand\u0131. Bu can al\u0131c\u0131 geli\u015fme Ordu&#8217;yla CHP aras\u0131nda her zaman var olmaya devam eden gayri resmi i\u015fbirli\u011fini ge\u00e7ici olarak ask\u0131ya ald\u0131rd\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">1961&#8217;den sonra \u00e7e\u015fitli Marksist Leninist ve Maoist siyasal partiler ve radikal solcu \u00f6rg\u00fctler kuruldu ve bunlar\u0131n bir\u00e7o\u011fu d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan ciddi bir destek ald\u0131. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde yay\u0131nlanmaya ba\u015flanan muazzam miktarda yeni ideolojik kitap ve dergi, solcu elitlerin y\u00fckseli\u015f ve me\u015fruiyet kazanma s\u00fcrecini de h\u0131zland\u0131rd\u0131. Siyasal laik sa\u011f\u0131n ise y\u00fczde \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczeyindeki oyu hemen hemen Marksist T\u0130P\u2019inkine e\u015fit olan Milliyet\u00e7i Hareket Partisi \u00e7evresinde topland\u0131. 1972&#8217;den sonra Milliyet\u00e7i Hareket Partisi yeni bir \u0130slami form\u00fcl\u00fcn etkisiyle (Yani halk\u0131n Milli Selamet Partisine y\u00f6nelmesi ve baz\u0131 merkezler i\u00e7in tehlike arz etrmesi endi\u015fesiyle) laik tutumunu terk edince oylar\u0131 artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Sa\u011fc\u0131 &#8220;laik&#8221; say\u0131lan gruplar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131, milli k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn bir boyutu ve par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lamaktayd\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k dini \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan baz\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar ise \u201cMilli\u201d k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc tamam\u0131yla dine tabi olarak yorumlamakta ve T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130slam kimli\u011fi i\u00e7inde eritmekle su\u00e7lanmaktayd\u0131. &#8220;Laik&#8221; &#8220;solcu&#8221; gruplar ise \u0130slam\u2019a d\u00fc\u015fman ve d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nmakta ve halk taraf\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flanmaktayd\u0131. Asl\u0131nda ana konu, din ile gelene\u011fin, ki\u015fisel ve kamusal (dini) kimli\u011fin ilgilerini do\u011fru anlamak ve tan\u0131mlamakt\u0131. Bu sosyal de\u011fi\u015fmeleri benimseyen ve kimli\u011fi inan\u00e7lar\u0131yla ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rabilen halka n\u00fcfuz etmek ve halk\u0131 kendine \u00e7ekmek elitlerin g\u00f6rev alan\u0131yd\u0131. Elitlerin demokratik bir rejimde ya\u015fayabilmeleri halkla birle\u015fmeye, yani demokratikle\u015fmeye ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Sonu\u00e7 olarak, orta ve alt d\u00fczeydeki dini elitlerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131, resmen kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n gayri resmi olarak halk aras\u0131nda faaliyetine devam eden tarikatlara kat\u0131larak halkla kayna\u015ft\u0131. Bu cemaatlerin liderleri, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta devlet\u00e7i merkeze kar\u015f\u0131 her t\u00fcr muhalefeti desteklemeye haz\u0131r olsalar da; T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin tarihsel, ekonomik, sosyal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ger\u00e7eklerini dikkate alarak demokrasiden yana tav\u0131r tak\u0131nd\u0131. <b><i>\u201c\u00d6te yandan dogmatizme ve gelene\u011fe saplan\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015f olan inat\u00e7\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar ise k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131 siyasal \u0130slam&#8217;dan ay\u0131rmak konusunda isteksiz g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Siyasal \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131n bu t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fchendis Necmettin Erbakan liderli\u011findeki e\u011fitimli profesyonellerden olu\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir grup temsil etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00d6nce Milli Nizam Partisi&#8217;ni (1968-71), daha sonra Milli Selamet Partisi&#8217;ni (1972-1980) ve nihayet Refah Partisi&#8217;ni (1982-1997) kurdular. Ne var ki hepsi de Siyonist odaklarca k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131lan ordu taraf\u0131ndan kapat\u0131ld\u0131.\u201d<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Bu saptamalar, hem yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131 hem kas\u0131tl\u0131yd\u0131. \u00d6nce samimi ve seviyeli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131: \u201cDogmatizme ve gelene\u011fe saplan\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015f inat\u00e7\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u201d diye su\u00e7lay\u0131p sald\u0131rmak haks\u0131zl\u0131ktan da \u00f6te bir ahlaks\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc zaten \u0130slam, vahye ve metafizik ger\u00e7eklerden kaynaklan\u0131yordu; \u201cGAYB\u201de yani, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kesin alamet ve tezah\u00fcrleriyle belli olan, ama elle tutulup dokunulmayan imani d\u00fcsturlara dayan\u0131yordu.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>\u201cDogmatizme\u201d yani vahye ve Kur\u2019ani ayet ve hakikatlere inatla ve kesin bir kanaatle inanmayan zaten M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olamazd\u0131. Ancak \u201cgelenek\u00e7ilik\u201d yani Kur\u2019an\u2019\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015f as\u0131rlardaki ihtiya\u00e7lara ve \u015fartlara g\u00f6re yorumlan\u0131p uygulana gelmi\u015f, hatta kuru \u015fekilcilik haline getirilmi\u015f ruhsuz ve \u015fuursuz taklit\u00e7ilik ise dini bir yozla\u015fmayd\u0131 ve Erbakan Hoca her t\u00fcrl\u00fc taklit\u00e7ili\u011fe temelinden kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Refah Partisi, kimi dini kesimlerden destek almas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, ne \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131n ne de M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n temsilcili\u011fi iddias\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, din istismar\u0131na asla kalk\u0131\u015fmam\u0131\u015f ve T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;deki b\u00fct\u00fcn dini gruplar\u0131n birle\u015fti\u011fi bir cephe olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Parti \u0130slami duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karanlar\u0131 da, \u0130slamiyet\u2019i bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr olarak g\u00f6ren pratik zihniyetli \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 tabakalar\u0131 da b\u00fcnyesinde toplam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Erbakan hareketi, temelde, toplumun \u0130slami kimlik ve gelene\u011finin ve Osmanl\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015finin bir \u015fekilde resmikabul g\u00f6rmesini arzu eden, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k hilafeti, saltanat\u0131 veya imparatorlu\u011fu geri getirmek gibi bir gaye de g\u00fctmeyen halk\u0131n, bu \u00f6zlemlerine terc\u00fcmanl\u0131k yapm\u0131\u015f ve deste\u011fini kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.&nbsp; Erbakan, halk\u0131n \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131n sayg\u0131 ve kabul g\u00f6rmesi talebinin bir \u015fekilde laik ve demokrat bir siyasal \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7inde hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi, adil ve asil bir sisteme \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmesi arzular\u0131na bayraktarl\u0131k yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Siyonist ve Masonik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin g\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fcndeki modernist kesimde, \u201cpartinin se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecini s\u0131rf me\u015fru yollardan iktidara gelip radikal \u0130slami bir rejim kurmak i\u00e7in benimsedi\u011fi\u201d \u015f\u00fcphesi s\u00fcrekli vard\u0131: \u00d6te yandan Atat\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe s\u0131\u011f\u0131nan Kemalist devlet elitleri ve baz\u0131 askerler, halk\u0131n dini inan\u00e7lara sayg\u0131 talebini, gericili\u011fin ba\u015fka bir \u015fekle b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f bir halinden ibaret g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve mahk\u00fbm ediyordu. Bu tip devlet\u00e7ilerle Erbakan&#8217;\u0131n liderli\u011findeki Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00e7\u00fclerin kavgas\u0131, temel meselelerden daha \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli rit\u00fceller, ibadetler ve giyim-ku\u015fam gibi bi\u00e7imsel \u015fekiller etraf\u0131nda d\u00f6n\u00fcyor ve gerek T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;deki \u0130slam ger\u00e7e\u011fini gerekse de modernistlerle muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n (\u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu i\u00e7in en uygun terim budur) asl\u0131nda birbirlerine g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcklerinden \u00e7ok daha fazla yak\u0131n olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ediyordu. Her ne kadar devletle inanc\u0131n defacto ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya dinin \u00f6zel bir inan\u00e7 alan\u0131 haline gelmesi anlam\u0131ndaki laiklik T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;de kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f bir ger\u00e7ek olsa da, dinci ve devlet\u00e7i elitlerin konumlar\u0131n\u0131 ve toplumsal sayg\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flama almak i\u00e7in inanc\u0131 kullanmalar\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 devam eden bir durumdu. Oysa Erbakan ne dinci kesimler ne de Laik\u00e7i devlet\u00e7i elitler gibi din istismar\u0131 yapm\u0131yor, sadece dini \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri ve manevi de\u011ferleri savunuyordu. Bir bak\u0131ma, din istismarc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla devrim simsarlar\u0131n\u0131n, sa\u011fc\u0131larla solcular\u0131n oyunlar\u0131n\u0131 bozuyor, hepsinin ayn\u0131 odaklarca kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulay\u0131p toplumun g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131yor ve i\u015fte bu y\u00fczden hepsinin ortak hedefi haline geliyordu. 1947\u2019den bu yana \u0130slami kurum, okul ve yay\u0131nlar\u0131n ve tarikatlar\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;yi d\u00fcnyadaki en &#8220;\u0130slami g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc&#8221; \u00fclkelerden biri haline sokuyordu. Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131 Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin \u0130slamile\u015fmesi ve millile\u015fmesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynuyor, bununla birlikte, Dinin birtak\u0131m tarikat ve cemaatlerin g\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fcnde yozla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nl\u00fcyor,&nbsp; belli bir d\u00fczeyde kontrol edip y\u00f6netiyordu. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k dini gruplar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu Cumhuriyet rejimini, demokrasiyi, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi ve modernizmin farkl\u0131 y\u00f6nlerini benimsemeye ba\u015fl\u0131yordu. Son zamanlarda Diyanet\u2019in bir grup siyasalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f Alevi taraf\u0131ndan S\u00fcnnili\u011fin arac\u0131 olmakla su\u00e7lanmas\u0131, baz\u0131 marazl\u0131 \u00e7evrelerin kas\u0131tl\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131 sonucuydu.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Buna ra\u011fmen baz\u0131 \u00fcst d\u00fczey askerler, kimi akademisyenler ve ayd\u0131n ge\u00e7inenlerden olu\u015fan (ve bir zamanlar zinde kuvvetler olarak tan\u0131mlanan) eski devlet\u00e7i ve laik elitler \u0130slami faaliyetlerdeki art\u0131\u015f\u0131 laiklikten sapma olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Bu arada \u201cErbakan&#8217;\u0131n sa\u011flam bir sosyal ve felsefi tutuma sahip olmayan ve iktidar arzusuyla yan\u0131p tutu\u015fan oport\u00fcnist bir politikac\u0131 olmakla\u201d su\u00e7layan \u201c1982-1994 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda iki merkez sa\u011f partinin (ANAP ve DYP) kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131n\u0131n temelinde, Erbakan&#8217;\u0131n \u0130slami s\u00f6ylemine g\u00fcvenmeyen ve \u00f6zellikle de partisinin ekonomi odakl\u0131, halka hitap eden, demokratik bir parti program\u0131ndan yoksun oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d savunanlar, ya bilerek ger\u00e7e\u011fi \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131yordu veya cehalet sergiliyordu.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>\u201cTurgut \u00d6zal 1983&#8217;te Anavatan Partisi&#8217;ni kurarken, gerek teknoloji merkezli \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131 ve milliyet\u00e7i elitleri, gerekse&nbsp; i\u015f d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n liderlerini partisine katmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131. Yeni elitler aras\u0131ndaki i\u015fbirli\u011fine dayanan bir siyasi parti kurup onlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini parti program\u0131nda halka mal edebilen ilk siyasi lider \u00d6zal\u2019d\u0131. T\u0131pk\u0131 annesi gibi kendisinin de bir Nak\u015f\u00ee oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade eden \u00d6zal, hem \u00fclkenin \u0130slami kimlik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc hem de kat\u0131 kurallarla k\u0131s\u0131tlanmam\u0131\u015f bir demokrasiyi ve ekonomik liberalizmi benimseyip uygulad\u0131. Pratikte daha geni\u015f bir ekonomik ve siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n ve piyasa g\u00fc\u00e7lerine uyumun sa\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumun Bat\u0131 teknolojisine tamamen a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u0130slami kimlik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcre sayg\u0131 g\u00f6sterildi\u011fi ve belli ba\u015fl\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn sosyal ve etno-dinsel gruplar\u0131n siyasal s\u00fcrece d\u00e2hil edildi\u011fi yeni bir modernle\u015fme anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Bu yolla Erbakan&#8217;\u0131n etkisini bir hayli zay\u0131flatt\u0131. Muhtemelen \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n halk\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten temsil eden \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir demokrasiyi ve ekonomik kalk\u0131nmay\u0131 savunmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olarak T\u00fcrkiye, 1983&#8217;ten itibaren, g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f d\u00fczeyde bir ekonomik, sosyal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel geli\u015fme ya\u015fad\u0131. Bu geli\u015fme, 1971&#8217;de kurulan T\u00dcS\u0130AD&#8217;\u0131n temsil etti\u011fi sanayiciler, bankac\u0131lar ve ticaret \u00e7evrelerinden olu\u015fan ekonomik elitin daha da b\u00fcy\u00fcmesini sa\u011flad\u0131. T\u00dcS\u0130AD gitgide daha cesur siyasi faaliyetlere giri\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin bat\u0131 ekonomisine entegre olmas\u0131n\u0131, kat\u0131ks\u0131z bir piyasa ekonomisinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n geni\u015flemesine yarayacak siyasal ve toplumsal ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131.\u201d<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>Ba\u015far\u0131lan &#8220;ekonomik mucize&#8221; ve Anavatan Partisi&#8217;nin modernizmi \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7ine alan gelene\u011fe sayg\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ekonomik kalk\u0131nma temelinde yeniden tan\u0131mlamas\u0131, bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn herkese faydal\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen ordu taraf\u0131ndan da kabul g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u00d6zal&#8217;\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 modernizmi, ayn\u0131 zamanda, Erbakan&#8217;\u0131n Refah Partisi&#8217;ni de marjinalle\u015ftirdi ve bu sayede Erbakan di\u011fer partilerin elitizminden faydalanarak ger\u00e7ekten halk\u00e7\u0131 bir ekonomik tutumu benimsemek zorunda kald\u0131. Bu arada \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n kendi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini form\u00fcle edememesi, stat\u00fc ve geleneklere a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a meydan okumas\u0131, devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 olduktan sonra g\u00f6rg\u00fc kurallar\u0131na uyma konusunda birka\u00e7 hata yapmas\u0131 ve son olarak 1993&#8217;teki \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc Anavatan Partisi&#8217;nin yolunu \u015fa\u015f\u0131rmas\u0131na ve t\u0131pk\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye gibi ba\u015fs\u0131z kalmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u201d<\/i><\/b> iddialar\u0131, \u00d6zal d\u00f6nemini ve etkilerini yak\u0131ndan bilen ve yap\u0131lan tamirat g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcl\u00fc tahribatlar\u0131n bu \u00fclkeye ve millete nelere mal oldu\u011funu g\u00f6ren insanlar nazar\u0131nda g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 saptamalar ve i\u011fren\u00e7 sapt\u0131rmalard\u0131. Oysa i\u015fin asl\u0131, Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019a da, Recep T. Erdo\u011fan\u2019a da iktidar f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 ve din istismar\u0131 ruhsat\u0131n\u0131 veren Siyonist Yahudi Lobileri g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc ABD\u2019nin derin g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ki yerli-masonik i\u015f birlik\u00e7ileri, sadece Erbakan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc t\u0131kamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slam safsatas\u0131 gibi tavizlere Erbakan y\u00fcz\u00fcnden mecbur kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>\u201cMerkezdeki RP liderleri, T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck belediyelerini ele ge\u00e7iren ve ta\u015frada da halk\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck deste\u011fini kazanan Refah Partili belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rnek ald\u0131. Belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 etkili, d\u00fcr\u00fcst ve demokratik y\u00f6netim sayesinde cemaat liderlerinin ve ta\u015fra k\u00f6kenli esnaf\u0131n oldu\u011fu kadar bir\u00e7ok laik zihniyetli yurtta\u015f\u0131n da deste\u011fini sa\u011flad\u0131. Bunun sonucunda Refah Partisi halka ekonomik kalk\u0131nma, vergi deste\u011fi, uygun ko\u015fullarda kredi, \u0130slami kimlik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcre sayg\u0131 ve demokrasi vaat ederek parti program\u0131n\u0131 buna g\u00f6re haz\u0131rlad\u0131. B\u00f6ylece 1991&#8217;de y\u00fczde 16.7 olan oyunu, 1995&#8217;te y\u00fczde 22&#8217;ye \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck partisi olmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131. Do\u011fru Yol Partisi&#8217;yle bir koalisyon kurdu, ama 1997&#8217;nin ortalar\u0131nda istifa etmeye mecbur b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. 1998&#8217;de laik Cumhuriyet ilkelerini ihlal etti\u011fi gerek\u00e7esiyle Anayasa Mahkemesi taraf\u0131ndan kapat\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra, Fazilet Partisi ismiyle yeniden a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Asker; gerek Milli G\u00fcvenlik Kurulu arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Erbakan&#8217;\u0131 istifaya zorlamada gerekse de Anavatan Partisi lideri Mesut Y\u0131lmaz&#8217;\u0131n Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kurulan yeni h\u00fck\u00fcmet arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla laik politikalar\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamada kilit bir rol oynad\u0131.\u201d<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">\u0130ddialar\u0131 ise, kargalar\u0131 bile g\u00fcld\u00fcrecek bir sapla-saman harmanlamas\u0131yd\u0131 ve Recep T. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131 kahramanla\u015ft\u0131rma kurgular\u0131yd\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>1. <\/b><b> \u00d6nce,&nbsp; ba\u015fta \u0130stanbul ve Ankara olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f belediyelerindeki ba\u015far\u0131 ve bereket ne Recep Beyin ne de Melih G\u00f6k\u00e7ek\u2019in \u00f6zel marifetleri de\u011fil, Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f terbiyesi alm\u0131\u015f kadrolar\u0131n ve bizzat Erbakan taraf\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlanan hizmet programlar\u0131n\u0131n olumlu sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yd\u0131.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>2. <\/b><b> Refah Partisini, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck partisi olup iktidara ta\u015f\u0131yan plan ve projeler, belediyelerden \u00f6\u011frenilip olgunla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, tam aksine, Milli Nizam\u2019dan beri b\u00fct\u00fcn parti programlar\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>3. <\/b><b> Erbakan\u2019\u0131n efsane hizmetleri hala unutulmayan Refah-Yol iktidar\u0131n\u0131n her hangi bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k veya tutars\u0131zl\u0131k y\u00fcz\u00fcnden de\u011fil, malum d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve i\u015f birlik\u00e7i \u00e7evrelerce tezg\u00e2hlanan 28 \u015eubat tertibiyle y\u0131kt\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatma haysiyet ve cesaretinden mahrum yazar bozuntular\u0131n\u0131n, yukar\u0131daki safsatalar\u0131 ve sapt\u0131rmalar\u0131 hangi niyetle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 da b\u00f6ylece ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>4. <\/b><b> Ve hele entel ve elit ge\u00e7inen bu pespaye tiplerin, Erbakan Hocay\u0131, partilerini ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini, biran evvel y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131nan \u015eeytani odaklar\u0131n, Turgut \u00d6zallar\u0131 ve Recep T. Erdo\u011fanlar\u0131 neden iktidara ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve sahip \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc izaha yana\u015fmamalar\u0131 da, bunlar\u0131n anlay\u0131\u015f k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ziyade, \u00e7ifte standard\u0131n\u0131 ve sahtek\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>&#8220;\u015eimdi s\u0131ra ustal\u0131k d\u00f6neminde&#8221;<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Erbakan Hoca\u2019n\u0131n:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">&#8220;Biz 1996 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ba\u015fbakan oldu\u011fumuz zaman bir y\u0131l i\u00e7inde denk b\u00fct\u00e7eden havuz sistemine, memur-i\u015f\u00e7i zamlar\u0131na kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015fler yapt\u0131k. Bu Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;\u00fcn sadece kokusudur. \u015eimdi kendisi geliyor. Bolluk geliyor, bereket geliyor. Biz Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcz. Millete hizmet ettik ve hala milletin duas\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131yoruz. T\u0131pk\u0131 Mimar Sinan gibi. \u015eehzade Camii \u00e7\u0131rakl\u0131k, S\u00fcleymaniye kalfal\u0131k ve Selimiye Mimar Sinan&#8217;\u0131n ustal\u0131k eseridir. Bizler de \u00e7\u0131rakl\u0131k d\u00f6nemimizi Ecevit ve MC h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri d\u00f6neminde ge\u00e7irdik. Kalfal\u0131\u011f\u0131 Refah iktidar\u0131nda ge\u00e7irdik. \u015eimdi s\u0131ra ustal\u0131k d\u00f6nemine geliyor.&#8221; tespitleri hakl\u0131yd\u0131 ve tarihi bir ger\u00e7e\u011fin hayk\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131yd\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>&#8220;Tayyip&#8217;ten daha \u00e7ok tebrik ald\u0131m&#8221;<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Erbakan Hoca\u2019n\u0131n, Ba\u015fbakan Erdo\u011fan&#8217;\u0131n gerek i\u00e7 kamuoyunun gerekse \u0130slam \u00c2leminin takdirle kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 &#8220;One minute&#8221; \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;e ba\u011flayarak, &#8220;Bu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f asl\u0131nda Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;\u00fcn eseridir. Davos&#8217;taki o toplant\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde \u0130stanbul&#8217;da y\u00fcz binleri toplayarak, h\u00fck\u00fcmeti g\u00f6reve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ran Saadet Partisi&#8217;dir, Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;t\u00fcr. Bizim bug\u00fcnk\u00fc muhalefetimiz olmasa &#8216;Bir dakika&#8217; diyemeyecekler. Nitekim, &#8216;One minute&#8217; \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Tayyip&#8217;ten \u00e7ok ben tebrik ald\u0131m. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli yerlerinden tebrik telefonlar\u0131 geldi, sizin talebeniz diye. E\u011fer o miting olmasayd\u0131, &#8216;One minute&#8217; olmazd\u0131.&#8221; <b>&#8220;Biz 40 senelik partiyiz. Kurulduk, \u00fc\u00e7 sene sonra iktidar olduk. Siyonizm bizi \u00e7e\u015fitli hilelerle uzakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Yeniden geldik, bu sefer 28 \u015eubat&#8217;\u0131 yapt\u0131. Tekrar \u015fahlanaca\u011f\u0131z. Yeniden iktidara gelmek zorunday\u0131z. Keramet bizde de\u011fil, keramet bizim prensiplerimizde, bizim inanc\u0131m\u0131zda, yani keramet Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;tedir. Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fs\u00fcz olmaz&#8221; s\u00f6zleri ger\u00e7ekleri anlatmaktayd\u0131.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\">Prof. Dr. Erbakan, b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 emperyalizmin tehdidi alt\u0131nda inledi\u011fini, Siyonizm&#8217;in emellerine ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devlet istemedi\u011fini aktarm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Siyonizm&#8217;in Tevrat&#8217;\u0131n tahrif edilerek &#8220;Kabala&#8221; adl\u0131 sihir kitab\u0131na inan\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanmas\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>Irk\u00e7\u0131 emperyalizm 1990 y\u0131l\u0131nda 20. Ha\u00e7l\u0131 seferini ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye dahil 22 \u0130slam \u00fclkesini par\u00e7alama karar\u0131 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Erbakan, Siyonizmin T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;yi tamamen kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na almak ve Saadet Partisi&#8217;ni ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in be\u015f maddelik plan yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201cSiyonizm b\u00fcy\u00fck \u0130srail&#8217;i kurmak i\u00e7in bize kar\u015f\u0131, Saadet Partisi&#8217;ne kar\u015f\u0131, Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;e kar\u015f\u0131 be\u015f tane haz\u0131rl\u0131k yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn bas\u0131n\u0131 kontrol alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bir yazar aleyhte yaz\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda i\u015fine son verilip kap\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcne b\u0131rak\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u0130kincisi: b\u00fct\u00fcn bankalar\u0131 sat\u0131n alan Yahudiler, buralardan kredi alm\u0131\u015f binlerce on binlerce insana \u201ce\u011fer AKP&#8217;ye oy ve destek vermezsen seni iflas ettiririm\u201d tehdidi yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.&nbsp; \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc: b\u00fct\u00fcn kamu kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 sat\u0131n al\u0131p, T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;yi ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bas\u0131n, bankalar, b\u00fcy\u00fck milli kurulu\u015flardan sonra \u201ctaviz politikas\u0131\u201d g\u00fctmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Eskiden AKP\u2019ye \u201c\u0130slam\u2019dan, ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcnden bahsetmeyin, yoksa sizi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr\u00fcz ha&#8221; diyorlard\u0131. \u015eimdi Saadet Partisi g\u00fc\u00e7lenince, millet asl\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fcnce, bu sefer AKP&#8217;yi M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara hizmet eden bir parti g\u00f6sterme gayretine kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>K\u0131skand\u0131\u011f\u0131m i\u00e7in de\u011fil, bunlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u015fefkat besledi\u011fim i\u00e7in s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum. Bu AKP\u2019liler ne yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bilmiyorlar. &#8216;Efendim biz M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kimseleriz, hi\u00e7 Siyonizme hizmet eder miyiz?&#8217; diyorlar. Oysa aldan\u0131yorlar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Siyonizm \u00f6yle ustad\u0131r ki, &#8216;Ben mi, ben hi\u00e7 Siyonizme hizmet eder miyim?&#8217; mar\u015f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylettirerek, seni Siyonizm ordusunda asker gibi talim ettirir, yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u015f Yahudiye hizmettir, bunu bile fark etmiyorlar.<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>Peki, bizim zorumuz ne? \u015eimdi bendeniz &#8216;Aferin, g\u00fczel yap\u0131yorsunuz&#8217; dersem, bunlar her bak\u0131mdan etraf\u0131mda pervane olup ko\u015farlar. Benim i\u015fim kolayla\u015f\u0131r. Ama bunu diyemiyorum. Neden? Vatan sevgisinden dolay\u0131 ve kendilerine olan \u015fefkatimden dolay\u0131. Bunlar\u0131 uyarmak ve T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;yi kurtarmak Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;\u00fcn vazifesidir. Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fle saadet elde edilemez.\u201d<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>&#8220;Haim Naim doktrini ne diyor? Bunlar\u0131 i\u015fsiz, fakir, \u00e7aresiz duruma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcreceksin, borca esir edeceksin. Dinini de\u011fi\u015ftireceksin. Din de\u011fi\u015ftirmek iki t\u00fcrl\u00fc olur. Bir: \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131 yasaklars\u0131n, iki: bir de \u0130slam&#8217;\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirip bozars\u0131n. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;de ikinci metot tatbik ediliyor. Dinler bah\u00e7esi diye, ayn\u0131 yerde kilise, havra, cami yap\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu \u0130slam itikad\u0131na uymaz. Allah nazar\u0131nda tek din \u0130slam&#8217;d\u0131r. H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k ve Yahudilik hurafedir. Bunlar\u0131n Cenab-\u0131 Hak&#8217;la irtibatlar\u0131 kesilmi\u015ftir. Bunlar ger\u00e7ek de\u011fildir. \u015eimdi bu dinler bah\u00e7esi i\u00e7erisine kilise, havra, cami yapm\u0131\u015f. Caminin \u00fczerine &#8216;La \u0130lahe \u0130llallah&#8217; demi\u015f, &#8216;Muhammedun Resulallah&#8217; dememi\u015f. Neden? Yahudiler ve H\u0131ristiyanlar da cennete gidecekmi\u015f! B\u00f6yle M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k olmaz.&#8221;<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>\u0130nan\u00e7l\u0131 insanlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n s\u00f6yledikleri bir c\u00fcmleyi unutmuyorum. &#8216;Siz &#8216;AKP yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r&#8217; diyorsunuz, iyi de Halk Partisi&#8217;nin gelmemesi i\u00e7in bir alternatif koydunuz da oy vermedik mi?&#8217; s\u00f6z\u00fc \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli ve anlaml\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;yi \u0130srail&#8217;in kontrol\u00fcnden kurtarmak, \u0130slam birli\u011fi kurmak, yeni bir d\u00fcnya kurmak laz\u0131md\u0131r. Bu vazife Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f&#8217;e d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Bundan dolay\u0131 Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn mutlaka alternatif olmas\u0131 gerekiyor. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki se\u00e7imlere \u00fc\u00e7 tane parti giriyor. Geriye kalanlara kulak asma. Birisi Halk Partisi. Halk Partisi y\u0131llarca din d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in iktidara gelememi\u015f, y\u00fczde 20&#8217;den fazla oy alamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bizzat Baykal anlatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, demi\u015ftir ki:&nbsp; \u201cKaradeniz&#8217;de abdest alan 80 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki bir adam, suyu getiren \u00e7ocu\u011fa &#8216;O\u011flum sen hangi partilisin&#8217; diye sordu\u011funda: &#8216;Ben Halk Partiliyim&#8217; cevab\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131nca: &#8216;Benim abdestim olmad\u0131, yeniden almal\u0131y\u0131m&#8217; diyor. B\u00f6yle bir partiyi iktidara getirmek kolay m\u0131 zannediyorsunuz?&#8217; Halk Partisi milletten kopuktur. \u015eimdi bunlar milletle bar\u0131\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor ama 80 senelik mazisinden kurtulam\u0131yor.<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b><i>Ne kald\u0131 geriye? Y\u00fczde 80 sa\u011f oylar kald\u0131. \u015eu andaki mevcut yap\u0131ya g\u00f6re b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n AKP&#8217;de toplanaca\u011f\u0131 planlan\u0131yor. Bizim bu yap\u0131y\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmemiz gerekiyor. Saadet Partisi, insanl\u0131k kurtulu\u015funu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in gereken neyse onu yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Hakl\u0131 olmak yetmiyor, hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funuzu anlatabilmemiz ve halk\u0131m\u0131za Hakk\u0131n adresini g\u00f6stermemiz gerekiyor.\u201d <\/i><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Erbakan Hoca\u2019n\u0131n bu tespit ve tasniflerinden de anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki, bir \u00fclkede \u00fc\u00e7 parti karard\u0131r; iki parti az, d\u00f6rt ve fazlas\u0131 zarard\u0131r. Bak\u0131n\u0131z ABD ve \u0130ngiltere gibi s\u00f6zde geli\u015fmi\u015f demokrasilerde iki parti vard\u0131r ve her ikisi de Siyonist-Masonik odaklar\u0131n kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131ndad\u0131r; bu elbette yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve haks\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. Almanya\u2019da 3. parti olan \u201cYe\u015filler\u201d sadece ye\u015fillik ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte \u00e7e\u015fitlilik makam\u0131ndad\u0131r. <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Evet, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hem siyasi istikrar\u0131n sa\u011flan\u0131p korunmas\u0131 hem de halk\u0131n her kesiminin iradesinin Meclise ve y\u00f6netime yans\u0131mas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00fc\u00e7 temel parti laz\u0131md\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>1- <\/b><b>Solcu sosyalist e\u011filimli bir parti; CHP gibi<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>2- <\/b><b>Sa\u011fc\u0131 ve liberalist bir parti; AKP gibi<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>3- <\/b><b>Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f Partisi; SP gibi<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Bunlardan solcu ve sa\u011fc\u0131 partiler ayn\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 ve Bat\u0131l g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn iki farkl\u0131 G\u00d6R\u00dcN\u00dc\u015e\u00dc olmaktad\u0131r. Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ise milletin tarihinin, t\u00f6resinin, milli ve manevi de\u011ferlerinin, asri ve insani gereksinimlerinin tabii temsilcisi ve terc\u00fcman\u0131d\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>\u015eimdi temel zihniyetleri ayn\u0131 olan, hi\u00e7bir milli perspektifi; ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i ve yeterli projesi bulunmayan 61 tane tabela partisinin, 7 tane se\u00e7ime kat\u0131lan partinin horoz d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkemizde, her se\u00e7imde oylar\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k \u00fc\u00e7te biri, hem se\u00e7im baraj\u0131 hem de oylar\u0131n da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 nedeniyle meclise yans\u0131may\u0131p bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Do\u011fal ve sosyal yasalara ve evrensel hukuk kurallar\u0131na ayk\u0131r\u0131 partiler:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>1- <\/b><b>Bir \u00fclkede \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcman, H\u0131ristiyan\u201d gibi D\u0130N partileri<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>2- <\/b><b>T\u00dcRK\u00c7\u00dc PART\u0130, K\u00dcRT\u00c7\u00dc parti, gibi etnik k\u00f6ken partileri<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>3- <\/b><b>Alevi S\u00fcnni gibi MEZHEP partileri<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>4- <\/b><b>G\u00fcneydo\u011fu, Ege, Karadeniz gibi B\u00d6LGE partileri<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>5- <\/b><b>Memur, i\u015f\u00e7i, \u00e7ift\u00e7i, esnaf gibi sadece Sendikal faaliyet yapabilecek SINIF partileri<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>a) <\/b><b>Fiilen, b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k ve kayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k yapacaklar\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>b) <\/b><b>Toplumu kaos ve kavga ortam\u0131na sokacaklar\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>c) <\/b><b>Halk\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 temsil yetkisi ta\u015f\u0131mayacaklar\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>d) <\/b><b>Milli birlik ve dirli\u011fi par\u00e7alayacaklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Hem aklen ve vicdanen, hem siyasi ama\u00e7 ve ahlaken, hem de hukuken zaten yasak konumundad\u0131r ve kald\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>\u00d6nerdi\u011fimiz \u00fc\u00e7 temel parti eksenli bir siyasi yar\u0131\u015f Milli iradenin tam tecellisini sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Aksi halde bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sistemde oldu\u011fu gibi:<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>a) <\/b><b>Ayn\u0131 Masonik \u0130ttihat ve Terakki zihniyet ve gelene\u011finden kaynaklanan<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>b) <\/b><b>Hukuki, siyasi, ekonomi ve sosyal y\u00f6nden ayn\u0131 esas ve ama\u00e7lara sahip olan<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>c) <\/b><b>Ayn\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-ulusalc\u0131 fikir ve ideolojiyi savunan<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>d) <\/b><b>Halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n dini, milli ve manevi de\u011ferlerini de; ba\u011fland\u0131klar\u0131 bat\u0131l\u0131 kafa yap\u0131s\u0131 ve hayat tarz\u0131n\u0131n bir aksesuar\u0131 ve sadece ihtiya\u00e7 durumunda ve se\u00e7im ortam\u0131nda kullanacaklar\u0131 yerli bir yedek par\u00e7as\u0131 gibi alg\u0131layan ayn\u0131 ikiz partiden, birisinin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solcu, di\u011ferinin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 ge\u00e7inmesi, hatta birbirinin alternatifi zannedilmesi,&nbsp; toplumun demokratik iradesini ve h\u00fcr tercihini yan\u0131ltmak ve oylar\u0131 par\u00e7alamaktan ve tabi halk\u0131 bo\u015f yere bo\u011fu\u015fturup oyalamaktan ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir yararl\u0131 ve tutarl\u0131 sonu\u00e7 do\u011furmayacakt\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: arial,helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 10pt;\"><b>Erbakan\u2019\u0131n tespit ve tenkitleri b\u00fct\u00fcn bu oyunlar\u0131 bozdu\u011fu ve herkesin ger\u00e7ek mahiyetini ortaya koydu\u011fu i\u00e7in, elbette birilerini gocunduracakt\u0131r.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Erbakan Hoca\u2019n\u0131n, ta 1968\u2019lerde \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi ve \u201cPancar Motor\u201d olarak \u00fcretimini hala s\u00fcrd\u00fcre geldi\u011fi y\u00fczde y\u00fcz yerli G\u00dcM\u00dc\u015e MOTOR Fabrikalar\u0131 giri\u015fiminden T\u00fcrkiye Odalar Birlili\u011fi Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ser\u00fcvenine\u2026 Konya\u2019daki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zlar hareketiyle Meclise girmelerinden Milli Nizam s\u00fcrecine\u2026 O kapat\u0131l\u0131nca kurulan Milli Selamet Partisinden, Ecevit ve Demirel\u2019le koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerine ve kendi tabiriyle, \u00c7IRAKLIK d\u00f6nemindeki tarihi hizmetlerine\u2026 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesinden [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[119],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1949","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ocak-2011"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1949","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/12"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1949"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1949\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1949"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1949"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.millicozum.com\/mc\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1949"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}